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| Dems Want Wal-Mart to Tithe on Healthcare | Is Senator Schumer With Us or Against Us? |
by Christopher Chantrill
March 05, 2006 at 3:33 pm
WE ARE AT THAT stage in the political cycle when the supporters of the president, like Pejman Yousefzadeh, or even critics-with-a-book-out like Bruce Bartlett, start mourning that the 22nd Amendmentâ€â€the one that limits the President of the United States to two termsâ€â€is severely cramping his power to get things done.
And well may they mourn. The glorious hopes of every political cycle inevitably evaporate into despair as events, dear boy, events conspire to prevent the president from changing the world. If only we could have got one more Big Push, the generals moan, we could have shoved the presidents agenda over the top.
Americas political philosopher, Lee Harris, in an elegiac piece for Presidents Day, A Father without a Son, reminded us why we have a 22nd Amendment. It is because President Roosevelt violated the unwritten rule of presidential succession. In 1940 he ran for a third term.
Back in 1787, before we elected our first president, political opinion was sharply divided on the question of a chief executive. Americans knew, after the failure of the Articles of Confederation, that something stronger than a purely legislative government was needed. So the Constitutions Article II declared that The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. But how, worried men like Thomas Jefferson, would we ever make the President go away?
After all, Jefferson was fully aware that the first President was going to be George Washington. Everyone knew thatâ€â€just as everyone knew that the Presidency would remain in Washingtons hands for as long as he wished to hang on to it. Washington, elected once, was in essence elected for life.
Fortunately, Washington had no son, so even if he had stayed in office until he died, the Washington dynasty would have died with him. But Washington determined that He would not die in office; instead, he would be elected for two terms, and then he would not run again.
This noble renunciation of power served as a brake, a gentlemens agreement, that restrained the ambitions of presidents for nearly 150 years.
It was not until 1940 that Franklin Delano Roosevelt, after 8 years of failing to lead the nation out of the Great Depression, decided that he needed one more Big Push.
After FDR had broken the gentlemens agreement the nation was forced into an act of national hygiene. Congress passed in 1947 and the states ratified in 1951 the 22nd Amendment.
The great problem of the nation in 2006 not a lack of presidential power. It is the encrusted privilege and patronage of the welfare state, the government entitlements like Social Security and Medicare over which the Democratic filibuster guards with a passion equal to the old Southern filibuster of the 1950s. Yet at the height of his power in the months after reelection in 2004 the president was unable to get traction on Social Security reform. How would repeal of the 22nd Amendment have made any difference?
It is not political power that gets things done; it is the power of ideas. Rudy Giuliani was able to bring New York City back from the brink of meltdown in the 1990s because of the heavy lifting done by conservative thinkers, as Fred Siegel shows in The Prince of the City. It was James Q. Wilson and George Kelling who developed the broken windows policing that Bill Bratton implemented, first in New Yorks subways and then on its streets. David Osbornes Reinventing Government showed how state and local governments could do more by scrapping rule- and input-driven bureaucracies in favor of stressing outcomes and accountability. George Gilders Wealth and Poverty showed that progressive taxation functioned as a tollgate on the road to the middle class, and Charles Murrays Losing Ground set the stage for welfare reform. If Americans arent ready for Social Security reform it is because we havent persuaded them.
When conservatives have won the next battle of ideas the question of presidential power or of the 22nd Amendment will not matter. Just as the old Southern filibuster was routed by the civil rights revolution of the early 1960s, todays welfare state filibuster will come to its deserved, inglorious end not because of presidential arm-twisting but because of the power of ideas.
What we can do with the presidents political power is cut taxes, cut, and cut again. And it just so happens that Senator John McCain, who opposed the presidents tax cuts in 2001, 2003, 2004, and 2005, is supporting the Tax Relief Extension Reconciliation Act. I wonder why?
For those Republicans still hankering after repeal of the 22nd Amendment, think of this. Absent the 22nd Amendment who can doubt that President Clinton, no gentleman and no George Washington, would have run for president again and again and finally handed off the presidency to his daughter?
Christopher Chantrill blogs at americanmanifestobook.blogspot.com.
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Families helped each other putting up homes and barns. Together, they built churches, schools, and common civic buildings. They collaborated to build roads and bridges. They took pride in being free persons, independent, and self-reliant; but the texture of their lives was cooperative and fraternal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism
For [the left] there is only the state and the individual, nothing in between. No family to rely on, no friend to depend on, no community to call on. No neighbourhood to grow in, no faith to share in, no charities to work in. No-one but the Minister, nowhere but Whitehall, no such thing as society - just them, and their laws, and their rules, and their arrogance.
David Cameron, Conference Speech 2008
Imagining that all order is the result of design, socialists
conclude that order must be improvable by better design of some superior mind.
F.A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit
[Every] sacrifice is an act of impurity that pays for a prior act of greater impurity... without its participants having to suffer the full consequences incurred by its predecessor. The punishment is commuted in a process that strangely combines and finesses the deep contradiction between justice and mercy.
Frederick Turner, Beauty: The Value of Values
Seeckt: "to make of each individual member of the army a soldier who, in character, capability, and knowledge, is self-reliant, self-confident, dedicated, and joyful in taking responsibility [verantwortungsfreudig] as a man and a soldier."
MacGregor Knox et. al., The dynamics of military revolution, 1300-2050
But the only religions that have survived are those which support property and the family.
Thus the outlook for communism, which is both anti-property and anti-family, (and also anti-religion), is not promising.
F.A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit
[T]he way to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on a nonracial basis,
Brown II, 349 U. S., at 300301, is to stop assigning students on a racial basis. The way to stop
discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.
Roberts, C.J., Parents Involved in Community Schools vs. Seattle School District
A writer who says that there are no truths, or that all truth is merely relative, is asking you not to believe him. So dont.
Roger Scruton, Modern Philosophy
Paul Dirac: When I was talking with Lemaître about [the expanding universe] and feeling stimulated
by the grandeur of the picture that he has given us, I told him that
I thought cosmology was the branch of science that lies closest to religion.
However [Georges] Lemaître [Catholic priest, physicist, and
inventor of the Big Bang Theory] did not agree with me. After thinking it over he
suggested psychology as lying closest to religion.
John Farrell, The Creation Myth
Within Pentecostalism the injurious hierarchies of the wider world are abrogated and replaced by a single hierarchy of faith, grace, and the empowerments of the spirit... where groups gather on rafts to take them through the turbulence of the great journey from extensive rural networks to the mega-city and the nuclear family...
David Martin, On Secularization
No lesson seems to be so deeply inculcated by the experience of life as that you should never trust experts. If you believe doctors, nothing is wholesome: if you believe the theologians, nothing is innocent: if you believe the soldiers, nothing is safe. They all require their strong wine diluted by a very large admixture of insipid common sense.
Lord Salisbury, Letter to Lord Lytton
In 1911... at least nine million of the 12 million covered by national insurance were already members of voluntary sick pay schemes. A similar proportion were also eligible for medical care.
Green, Reinventing Civil Society