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It's Not The Dependency Ratio, Stupid Clinton Spin: To Make You Forget They Are Democrats

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The Travails of Labor and Education

by Christopher Chantrill
September 04, 2006 at 12:01 pm

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OVER TWO HUNDRED years ago, in The Wealth of Nations (now available on Google Book Search), Adam Smith applauded the general increase in prosperity in eighteenth century England. Its day-laborers and their wives could all afford to wear leather shoes. Indeed, “The poorest creditable person of either sex would be ashamed to be seen without them.” The custom reflected a general understanding that it would be impossible to fall into such poverty “without extreme bad conduct.”

It was the beginning of elite interest in the condition of the working classes.

Smith also expressed satisfaction that the establishment of parish schools in Scotland “had taught almost the whole common people to read, and a very great proportion of them to write and account.”

In our time the elite interest in the day laborer and the education of the common people has concentrated into Walter Pater’s hard gem-like flame, and nowhere more so than in the pages of The New York Times.

Last week the folks at The New York Times reported on problems both in laboring and in education of the common people. “The median hourly wage for American workers,” wrote Steven Greenhouse and David Leonhardt on August 28, “has declined 2 percent since 2003, after factoring in inflation.”

In education we are struggling with students shocked to discover that they need remedial math when they get to college. Wrote Diana Jean Schemo on September 2: “Michael Walton, starting at community college [in Dundalk, Md], was sure that there was some mistake. Having done so well in high school in West Virginia that he graduated a year and a half early, how could he need remedial math?”

After speculating for 15 paragraphs about the damage that declining median wage rates might do to Republican Party chances in the November elections, Greenhouse and Leonhardt allow an economist to speculate about what might have “eroded workers’ bargaining power.”

But suppose there is something bigger afoot than evil Republican in Congress and labor unions “much weaker than they once were.” Maybe in a world where your iPod reads “Designed by Apple in California. Made in China,” you and I cannot really expect to earn big money as bump-on-a-log employees. Maybe something more creative, more adventurous is required of us than work for a regular paycheck. But this is not a subject fit for The New York Times.

There is a similar concern for the fitness of things in Schemo’s report on education problems. It does not seem to occur to her to wonder, let alone ask tough questions, about the national problem with remedial courses. How could the young man not know that he was unprepared for college-level math? And how could the folks at his Maryland public high school not have advised him? Did they not know that their graduates were being forced into remedial courses? And weren’t they doing something about it?

Isn’t there maybe something really wrong with an education system that allows this problem to develop and then allows it to fester?

Of course you would hardly expect reporters from The New York Times to understand this. They live like educators and children. They enjoy lifetime employment, by virtue of their membership in a journalists’ union, so they are not directly engaged, like Adam Smith’s eighteenth-century day-laborer, in the daily fluctuations of the market for laboring services, or like a twenty-first century businessman, in the daily fluctuations of the global marketplace.

For the folk at The New York Times the problems on the income front for the median wage earner suggest nothing but some new program to manipulate the labor market. The problems on the education front suggest new government attempts to demand better results out of the government education system.

But what if they are missing the point? What if the institution of work for cash wages—the common form of employment since the industrial revolution—is now in its decline, and that people must now offer their services to the market on a different basis?

What if they are missing the point on education as well? In the past generation we have doubled the input into K-12 education, yet the effect as expressed in tests like the SAT has been zero. Could this be telling us something?

Two centuries ago the industrial revolution transformed the world of work for the common people and the elites of the world decided that every boy and girl should go to school.

Perhaps the information revolution will do the same, and provoke an utter transformation in the world of work.

But maybe the bigger surprise will be in education where the contrast between public and private is startling. In the recent “Stupid in America” John Stossel presents an ill-found government education system driving on the rocks with nobody taking responsibility.

But when parents pay $20,000 a year to send a kid to private school that’s just the start. They have to volunteer, fund-raise, and supervise their kid’s homework as well.

John Kenneth Galbraith had it wrong. The danger is from “private health and public squalor” side by side.

Christopher Chantrill blogs at americanmanifestobook.blogspot.com.

Buy his Road to the Middle Class.

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Responsibility

Seeckt: "to make of each individual member of the army a soldier who, in character, capability, and knowledge, is self-reliant, self-confident, dedicated, and joyful in taking responsibility [verantwortungsfreudig] as a man and a soldier."
MacGregor Knox et. al., The dynamics of military revolution, 1300-2050

Living the Virtues

When recurrently the tradition of the virtues is regenerated, it is always in everyday life, it is always through the engagement by plain persons in a variety of practices, including those of making and sustaining families and households, schools, clinics, and local forms of political community.
Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue

Moral Imperatives of Modern Culture

These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self

US Life in 1842

Families helped each other putting up homes and barns. Together, they built churches, schools, and common civic buildings. They collaborated to build roads and bridges. They took pride in being free persons, independent, and self-reliant; but the texture of their lives was cooperative and fraternal.
Michael Novak, The Spirit of Democratic Capitalism

Society and State

For [the left] there is only the state and the individual, nothing in between. No family to rely on, no friend to depend on, no community to call on. No neighbourhood to grow in, no faith to share in, no charities to work in. No-one but the Minister, nowhere but Whitehall, no such thing as society - just them, and their laws, and their rules, and their arrogance.
David Cameron, Conference Speech 2008

Faith and Politics

As far as the Catholic Church is concerned, the principal focus of her interventions in the public arena is the protection and promotion of the dignity of the person, and she is thereby consciously drawing particular attention to principles which are not negotiable... [1.] protection of life in all its stages, from the first moment of conception until natural death; [2.] recognition and promotion of the natural structure of the family... [3.] the protection of the right of parents to educate their children.
Pope Benedict XVI, Speech to European Peoples Party, 2006

Never Trust Experts

No lesson seems to be so deeply inculcated by the experience of life as that you should never trust experts. If you believe doctors, nothing is wholesome: if you believe the theologians, nothing is innocent: if you believe the soldiers, nothing is safe. They all require their strong wine diluted by a very large admixture of insipid common sense.
Lord Salisbury, “Letter to Lord Lytton”

Conservatism's Holy Grail

What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph

Class War

In England there were always two sharply opposed middle classes, the academic middle class and the commercial middle class. In the nineteenth century, the academic middle class won the battle for power and status... Then came the triumph of Margaret Thatcher... The academics lost their power and prestige and... have been gloomy ever since.
Freeman Dyson, “The Scientist as Rebel”

Government Expenditure

The Union publishes an exact return of the amount of its taxes; I can get copies of the budgets of the four and twenty component states; but who can tell me what the citizens spend in the administration of county and township?
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America

Conservatism

Conservatism is the philosophy of society. Its ethic is fraternity and its characteristic is authority — the non-coercive social persuasion which operates in a family or a community. It says ‘we should...’.
Danny Kruger, On Fraternity

Postmodernism

A writer who says that there are no truths, or that all truth is ’merely relative’, is asking you not to believe him. So don’t.
Roger Scruton, Modern Philosophy

presented by Christopher Chantrill

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