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| The Legacy of Jerry Falwell | Hillary Clinton's On Your Own World |
by Christopher Chantrill
May 28, 2007 at 12:55 am
THE IMMIGRATION bill currently before the United States Senate is the usual farrago of band-aids and special interest goodies, trying to patch up the failure of 1986. It is, writes Peggy Noonan in unusually strong language, a big dirty ball of mischief, malfeasance and mendacity, with a touch of class malice.
In response to the political classs same-old same-old, the rest of us might profitably enquire: Never mind what they want. What do we want in immigration policy?
We humans are a migratory species. Ever since the first modern hominids migrated out of Africa across the Straits of Hormuz 50,000 years ago we have wandered the earth. In the agricultural revolution about 8,000 years ago we decided to settle down on the land.
But soon enough we tired of a life of rural idiocy, and 250 years ago began a new migration--from the country to the city. It is a story that we know by heart.
By the mid-nineteenth century the migration off the land in Europe had become large enough to engage the interest of the political class. Expert opinion was divided. Some believed, following the ideas of the political economists, that the new smoking, crowded cities were engines of prosperity. Others believed that machine industry would put everyone out of a job.
Everyone was determined to do something. Some advocated spiritual revival. Some demanded universal education. Young firebrands threatened bloody revolution. Sound men proposed beneficial legislation to curb the worst excesses of the factory system. Politicians intrigued to capture the votes of the newly enfranchised workers.
By the end of the nineteenth century it was becoming clear that everyone still had a job. Not only that, wages were rising, and the new financial markets were busily allocating new capital to make even more jobs.
But the workers wanted more than a job and a wage, so they had busily created a network of institutions to protect themselves from the risks of the new industrial economy. In the United States the workers had built churches and fraternal organizations, and they forged labor unions to link together in solidarity.
The political class lacked confidence in the abilities of the workers. It wanted to control the social safety net and so it brought it into the political sector where it could keep an eye on things.
A hundred years later nothing has changed. The migration to the cities, completed satisfactorily within the boundaries of the nations of the western Europe and North America, has now gone global. Rural people all across the world are heading for the city. But they are not necessarily heading for the nearest city within their own nation. Inspired by Ronald Reagan many of them want to go straight to the source, to the place that is still a magnet for all who must have freedom.
And the political class still wants to control everything.
The American people are not fools. We understand that when whole peoples are on the move and change is in the air, change could mean worse. We ask: Will the flood of immigrants wreck the life that we have built here for people like us? Will the immigrants successfully assimilate? Will they take my job? Will they pay my Social Security and my Medicare?
Americans understand that by amnestying the millions of illegal immigrants we are ratcheting up the welfare state another notch. We are giving the political class more power and more money, and we know that it will use our money to buy the votes of the newly amnestied immigrants. We know that no good can come of that.
But we understand that the great human migration of the current age is a force of nature. We cannot stop it; we can only channel it and deflect it. The Department of Homeland Security reports in its Yearbook for 2005, there are 175 million people crossing our borders each year and over a million new legal permanent immigrants a year. Its estimated that there are another 0.5 million a year of illegal immigrants of which about half simply overstay their tourist visas.
Can we keep track of every visitor? Probably not. But we can make it more expensive and inconvenient to live and work illegally in the United States. And we can do more to steer legal immigrants vigorously into the great American mainstream of work and life.
Perhaps we can amend the Senates big dirty ball of mischief to move it in this direction. And if our noble Solons resent our interference, so much the better. We will direct them to Robert K. Greenleafs Servant Leadership:A Journey into the Nature of Legitimate Power and Greatness. They are, after all, public servants and need to know their place.
Christopher Chantrill blogs at americanmanifestobook.blogspot.com.
Buy his Road to the Middle Class.
[T]he way to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on a nonracial basis,
Brown II, 349 U. S., at 300301, is to stop assigning students on a racial basis. The way to stop
discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.
Roberts, C.J., Parents Involved in Community Schools vs. Seattle School District
[In the] higher Christian churches... they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
[Every] sacrifice is an act of impurity that pays for a prior act of greater impurity... without its participants having to suffer the full consequences incurred by its predecessor. The punishment is commuted in a process that strangely combines and finesses the deep contradiction between justice and mercy.
Frederick Turner, Beauty: The Value of Values
Within Pentecostalism the injurious hierarchies of the wider world are abrogated and replaced by a single hierarchy of faith, grace, and the empowerments of the spirit... where groups gather on rafts to take them through the turbulence of the great journey from extensive rural networks to the mega-city and the nuclear family...
David Martin, On Secularization
When recurrently the tradition of the virtues is regenerated, it is always in everyday life, it is always through the engagement by plain persons in a variety of practices, including those of making and sustaining families and households, schools, clinics, and local forms of political community.
Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue
What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph
These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self
There was nothing new about the Frankish drive to the east... [let] us recall that the continuance of their rule depended upon regular, successful, predatory warfare.
Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion
The Union publishes an exact return of the amount of its taxes; I can get copies of the budgets of the four and twenty component states; but who can tell me what the citizens spend in the administration of county and township?
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America
The recognition and integration of extralegal property rights [in the Homestead Act] was a key element in the United States becoming the most important market economy and producer of capital in the world.
Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital
The primary thing to keep in mind about German and Russian thought since
1800 is that it takes for granted that the Cartesian, Lockean or Humean scientific and
philosophical conception of man and nature... has been shown by indisputable evidence to be
inadequate.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Meeting of East and West
The incentive that impels a man to act is always some uneasiness...
But to make a man act [he must have]
the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove
or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness.
Ludwig von Mises, Human Action