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| Immigration: Mend It Not Rend It | Should Have Known |
by Christopher Chantrill
June 04, 2007 at 4:12 pm
CONSERVATIVES have responded with outrage to Hillary Clintons On-your-own society speech last week here, here, and here.
And well they might, for she tells a narrative about an America they never heard of.
Senator Clinton reminded her listeners at Manchester School for Technology about the United States of a century ago before progressives began their reforms. She told them it was a land of corporate monopolies, corrupt government, women without votes, workers without rights, a country filled with haves and have nots -- and not enough people in between.
In what way, we might ask, was this different from 1800, or 800, or 800 BCE? It was different in a curious way, a way that Senator Clinton from her Olympian height, apparently cant discern.
The so-called haves of 1900, lest we forget, were men like John D. Rockefeller, son of a traveling salesman, Andrew Carnegie, son of an impoverished weaver, and James J. Hill, a poor farm boy from Canada. Starting out in utter obscurity as clerks and telegraph boys they founded and built huge enterprises to deliver cheap oil, cheap steel, and transcontinental railroads to the American people. After they were done the Senator Clintons of the day came along and said that their astonishing achievements werent good enough. Even though Rockefeller had cut the price of illuminating oil by 90 percent they didnt like the way that Standard Oil was capitalized. Even though the railroads allowed farmers for the first time in history to sell their grain across the world they complained that the freight charges werent fair.
A century later we have just experienced another unprecedented business and technological revolution that has rained unlooked for benefits on the American people. Based on historical experience you would expect the Senator Clinton of our day to complain that the rain of benefits resulting from the information revolution and the complete reengineering of American business just wasnt good enough.
And you would be right. She complains of CEOs whove seen their pay go from 24 times the typical workers in 1965, to 262 times the typical worker in 2005.
Which CEO did you have in mind, Senator? Bill Gates? Michael Dell? Or the one-time friend of politicians of both parties, the well-connected Ken Lay of Enron? Tell you what, Senator. Heres a nickel that says that the average CEO is paying more than 262 times the typical workers income tax bill.
After all this extraordinary business revolution what does Hillary Clinton think? She thinks that ordinary people are invisible to President Bush.
If youre a worker who cant organize for fair wages and safe working conditions, youre invisible.
If youre one of the over 45 million Americans who dont have health insurance, youre invisible, too.
If your company has shipped your job overseas and you dont know how to pay your bills, well, youre invisible.
If you drive up to the gas station and have to pay $3.20 or $3.30 a gallon to fill up your tank, youre invisible as well.
You could, of course, get a job. There are only 368,000 people in the whole nation, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics in its May Employment Situation Summary, who say they want a job but do not believe that there is one out there for them. That is one quarter of one percent out of a civilian labor force of 152,762,000 people.
Senator Clinton seems to think that the 145,943,000 people with jobs are, under the Bush Administration, on your own. And she wants to change that to a were all in it together society.
Actually, she has a point. As a candidate for the leadership of the Democratic Party she is keenly aware that her party is the party of on your own America.
The Democratic Party, the exit polls tell us, is the home of single, secular people. They are people who are on their own physically, as they seem to have a commitment problem where people of the opposite sex are concerned. They are, as the book by Robert D. Putnam says, Bowling Alone. And they are on their own spiritually, not belonging to any community of faith. Not surprisingly they want government to fill the gaps in their lives and make up for the lack of a safety net that a family or a church community provides. In short, they want other people to pay for their safety net. As a good Democratic politician, Senator Clinton understands and encourages this.
The Republican Party, the exit polls tell us, is the home of religious, married people with children. They belong to families and churches, living their lives as were all in it together people. In addition, of course, those Republicans who are Christians believe in a God that loves them and want them to love Him right back. How together is that? And religious people, Arthur C. Brooks tells us in Who Really Gives, are more generous. They give more than secular people. When you give more, you get more, the philosophers tell us.
Conservatives should not feel too outraged by Senator Clintons narrative. It gives us an opportunity to present ours. And why not? Our narrative is better. It offers a hand up, not a hand out.
Ever since the beginning of the modern era the offer of democratic capitalism has been the same. It extends a hand up to the oppressed peoples of the world living in servitude on the land. It makes an improbable offer. Cast off your dependence and your servitude to your local lord and offer yourself in service to the whole of mankind in the market economy.
In the age of the welfare state, global capitalism makes another improbable offer. Cast off the humiliating patronage and clientage offered by the barons of the liberal plantation and offer yourself in service to the whole of mankind in the global economy.
The first step is the hardest, as the progressive Senator Clinton well knows.
Christopher Chantrill blogs at americanmanifestobook.blogspot.com.
Buy his Road to the Middle Class.
[T]he way to achieve a system of determining admission to the public schools on a nonracial basis,
Brown II, 349 U. S., at 300301, is to stop assigning students on a racial basis. The way to stop
discrimination on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.
Roberts, C.J., Parents Involved in Community Schools vs. Seattle School District
[In the] higher Christian churches... they saunter through the liturgy like Mohawks along a string of scaffolding who have long since forgotten their danger. If God were to blast such a service to bits, the congregation would be, I believe, genuinely shocked. But in the low churches you expect it every minute.
Annie Dillard, Holy the Firm
[Every] sacrifice is an act of impurity that pays for a prior act of greater impurity... without its participants having to suffer the full consequences incurred by its predecessor. The punishment is commuted in a process that strangely combines and finesses the deep contradiction between justice and mercy.
Frederick Turner, Beauty: The Value of Values
Within Pentecostalism the injurious hierarchies of the wider world are abrogated and replaced by a single hierarchy of faith, grace, and the empowerments of the spirit... where groups gather on rafts to take them through the turbulence of the great journey from extensive rural networks to the mega-city and the nuclear family...
David Martin, On Secularization
When recurrently the tradition of the virtues is regenerated, it is always in everyday life, it is always through the engagement by plain persons in a variety of practices, including those of making and sustaining families and households, schools, clinics, and local forms of political community.
Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue
What distinguishes true Conservatism from the rest, and from the Blair project, is the belief in more personal freedom and more market freedom, along with less state intervention... The true Third Way is the Holy Grail of Tory politics today - compassion and community without compulsion.
Minette Marrin, The Daily Telegraph
These emerge out of long-standing moral notions of freedom, benevolence, and the affirmation of ordinary life... I have been sketching a schematic map... [of] the moral sources [of these notions]... the original theistic grounding for these standards... a naturalism of disengaged reason, which in our day takes scientistic forms, and a third family of views which finds its sources in Romantic expressivism, or in one of the modernist successor visions.
Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self
There was nothing new about the Frankish drive to the east... [let] us recall that the continuance of their rule depended upon regular, successful, predatory warfare.
Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion
The Union publishes an exact return of the amount of its taxes; I can get copies of the budgets of the four and twenty component states; but who can tell me what the citizens spend in the administration of county and township?
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America
The recognition and integration of extralegal property rights [in the Homestead Act] was a key element in the United States becoming the most important market economy and producer of capital in the world.
Hernando de Soto, The Mystery of Capital
The primary thing to keep in mind about German and Russian thought since
1800 is that it takes for granted that the Cartesian, Lockean or Humean scientific and
philosophical conception of man and nature... has been shown by indisputable evidence to be
inadequate.
F.S.C. Northrop, The Meeting of East and West
The incentive that impels a man to act is always some uneasiness...
But to make a man act [he must have]
the expectation that purposeful behavior has the power to remove
or at least to alleviate the felt uneasiness.
Ludwig von Mises, Human Action